POLITICS
ZIMBABWE – Presidential and legislative elections: An election in a climate of repression

Some six million voters are called to the polls on Wednesday, August 23, 2023 for presidential, legislative and local elections, with two names that stand out among the 11 candidates for the presidency: Emmerson Mnangagwa, candidate for his own succession, and opposition leader Nelson Chamisa, a young lawyer and pastor. This in a tense climate: the opposition has denounced a growing repression in the country that faces poverty and soaring inflation.
The presidential election is like a return match between the two main candidates: they had already opposed in 2018, in the first elections without Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country with an iron fist for 30 years.
The incumbent, Emmerson Mnangagwa, of the ruling Zanu-PF party, did not propose an electoral platform. He says his party’s record is good enough. It focuses on infrastructure such as the construction of schools, highways and bridges, proof that the president keeps his promises, his supporters believe.
But suspicions of corruption have tarnished the image of these national projects, also pushing the United States to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe. These are pointed out by the outgoing president Emmerson Mnangagwa, nicknamed «the crocodile», to explain the origin of the economic difficulties of the country.
As for Nelson Chamisa, his rival who had already narrowly lost in 2018, he launched his program just two weeks before the elections: some blame him for a lack of vision. His party, the Citizens’ Coalition for Change – or the «Triple C» – denounces intimidation and the banning of its meetings by the authorities: on August 3, a CCC activist was stoned to death by alleged supporters of the Zanu-PF.
Human Rights Watch has already predicted a “severely flawed electoral process.”
The president is elected by an absolute majority. A second round is organized only if no candidate wins 50% of the votes plus one.
Acute economic crisis with chronic hyperinflation
According to a recent poll, the economy and unemployment are the main concerns of voters. The country is facing an acute economic crisis. Among other evils, the Zimbabwean economy suffers from chronic hyperinflation. After soaring in 2020, inflation slowed in July, but it still officially exceeds 100%: some economists actually believe it is much higher than the official figure.
But there are other structural problems in the country. “About 90% of Zimbabweans are hired informally. And nearly 42% of the population lives in extreme poverty,” says Prosper Chitambara, development economist in Harare.
A former cereal granary in the region, Zimbabwe saw its agricultural production drop after the agrarian reform of the 2000s. After 2008, growth rebounded but other shocks shook the country’s economy. Prosper Chitambara cites the climate, the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Moreover, the environment is not conducive to investment: “Access to credit is difficult and very expensive. The reference interest rate is 150%.”
Infrastructure projects through Chinese loans
Prosper Chitambara says there are some good things for the economy: “There have been a number of investments in infrastructure projects, such as highways, dams and increased electricity generation.”
Four energy projects were undertaken thanks to a loan from China. In debt, Zimbabwe is not eligible for funding from international donors, such as the IMF and the World Bank, precisely because of arrears.
In addition to Western sanctions for suspected corruption, Harare is also subject to sanctions for rights violations.
The risk of electoral violence is low, analysts say. They predict a low turnout after a campaign that attracted little voters.
According to political analyst Ringisai Chikohomero, these elections take place when «there is no real enthusiasm and it is unusual during an election». This is mainly due to a «climate of intimidation» pushing «Zimbabweans to self-censor themselves for fear of reprisals».
These elections take place in a much different context from the previous ones in 2018: it was the first time that Zimbabweans did not have Robert Mugabe as their candidate.
Now, there is a weariness among voters, because the hope of change after nearly 30 years of power of Robert Mugabe has quickly fallen: Parliament passed laws that, according to human rights organizations, silence civil society and limit any criticism of the government. And among the voters there is a certain weariness, explains Ringisai Chikohomero.
CENTRAL AFRICA
GABON – Brice Oligui Nguema, acclaimed, launches the Fifth Republic

Just elected, Brice Oligui Nguema, former president of the transition, wants to engage the country in a profound institutional refoundation. After the creation of a new party, he intends to appoint vice-presidents and carry out electoral reforms.
A victory expected, a transition in motion
Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema came, largely, at the head of the presidential election of April 11, 2025. According to the results announced by the Minister of the Interior, Hermann Immongault, he was elected with 90% of the votes cast. This, it would seem, Soviet score is the measure of popularity gained since the coup d’état of August 30, 2023, by which the head of the Republican Guard had ended the reign of the Bongo family. After less than two years at the head of the Gabonese transition, Brice Oligui Nguema had promised a political break. With the removal of the Prime Minister, executive power is now centralized in the Presidency. He will not want to concentrate all these powers in his hands alone, so he plans to create vice-presidents.
Two Vice-Chairs
With the adoption of more than 1,000 normative texts in the first year, to give effect to the principles of the new Constitution. A reform presented by its supporters as a rationalisation of institutions, in a country where power was already, in fact, very concentrated. The two vice-presidents who will be appointed will soon have to be designated: one, protocol, will be the number two of the state; the other will be in charge of government action. The latter must have a high level of administrative expertise and must be a political force. The names of Joseph Owondault Berre and Raymond Ndong Sima circulate. But, nothing is certain.
A new calendar
The political battle does not end there. A new law on political parties, with stricter criteria and an electoral redistribution that will allow the organization of legislative and local elections from August 2025. Always in the perspective of the gathering. On the presidential majority side, the platform Rassemblement des Bâtisseurs (RdB) will turn into a political party. He intends to gather the President’s support without absorbing the many components of the platform (84 parties, 4,200 associations, 22,000 individual members). Its coordinator, Anges-Kevin Nzigou, presents it as a “political matrix” designed to structure a future majority. This initiative is causing a stir: Justine Lekogo, member of the platform, has publicly expressed her reservations, questioning the legitimacy of this transformation and the silence of the president on the subject.
A new Republic
If the refoundation dynamic seems to be on track, the institutional balance remains to be built. The concentration of power around the president, even validated by the ballot box and referendum, raises questions. The break with the old regime will be measured by actions: political openness, independence of counter-powers, electoral transparency. Brice Oligui Nguema now has free hands. It remains to be seen whether it will make Gabon a renewed democracy, or whether it will perpetuate, in some other form, the legacy of a centralized power.
IVORY COAST
CÔTE D’IVOIRE – Violence at the Abidjan Penitentiary (PPA): inmates unleashed

The rumour of a riot at the PPA, formerly Abidjan Detention and Correction House (MACA) was circulating in the city of Abidjan all day on 14 April 2025. A statement from the Directorate of the Prison Administration has just come out: there have been riots. Yes. Many people were injured. Also, many voices have been raised to alert on the fragile balance between prisoners’ rights and prison authority.
Yet another riot
The recent tensions at the Abidjan Prison Centre have caused many injuries. A few months ago, it was the prison of Bouaké, second city in the country, which was boiling. What began as vandalism quickly turned into a clear attempt to take control of the prison by inmates. This latest riot has revived a crucial debate: that of the authority of the state within the walls of Ivorian prisons.
A prompt official release
In an official statement dated 14 April 2025, the prison administration of the largest prison in Côte d’Ivoire confirmed that several facilities had been destroyed by detainees. Indeed, the latter oppose a new measure regulating the management of common spaces. This reform, implemented in the context of the fight against the introduction and circulation of drugs in prisons, aimed to restrict access to the central court, which has become a real crossroads for all kinds of drug trafficking. According to the press release, there are no deaths. In addition, 12 detainees have been injured. According to the same communiqué, order was restored thanks to the joint intervention of prison officers, the police and the gendarmerie.
Rise of gangs
But beyond the facts, this new episode of violence highlights a broader problem that the prison administration is struggling to manage. In February, similar riots broke out at the House of Detention and Correction in Bouaké. The fact that these riots are taking place in the country’s two major prisons highlights something very disturbing, namely the rise of insubordination in prison and the groups of men who, Alongside the guards, truly manage – or should we say – rule the country’s prisons. For some observers, this situation results from a growing imbalance between the rights granted to detainees and the means of control left to prison officers. “The freedoms granted, although essential in a state governed by the rule of law, end up conferring disproportionate power on prisoners who are sometimes organised and able to defy the prison authority itself,” said one prison worker.
Prison guard: a profession under pressure
The profession of prison officer, often invisible, appears today as one of the most exposed but also of the most ungrateful. Faced with increasingly numerous and difficult to supervise prison populations, these professionals are demanding more than press releases: they are asking for a real revaluation, as is happening in several sectors within the country’s administration. Among the options mentioned: a clear return of authority to prison staff, their systematic association with decisions impacting security, and better administrative and legal protection. Because today, many people say they are on their own.
A national implementation strategy
These incidents, repeatedly, reveal a fundamental problem: in order to deal with such riots in the future, a coherent, national prison strategy based on firmness, respect for the hierarchy and the restoration of legitimate authority is needed. It is not a question of denying the rights of detainees, but of reminding them that these rights must be exercised within the framework of a clear and respected republican order. Indeed, the prison cannot become a space of non-law. However, it must remain a place of justice, rehabilitation, but also authority.
CENTRAL AFRICA
GABON – Nicolas Nguema, an asset on the Gabonese political chessboard

Nicholas Nguema has slowly established himself as a great advocate of democratic reforms and transparency on the Gabonese political scene. He was very hard on the Bongo regime until its fall in 2023, he is also one of the major supporters of General Brice Oligui Nguema. However, this does not prevent him from calling for a definitive break with the former PDG regime. To what is this repositioning due? Pragmatic evolution or political ambition? With the 2025 presidential election approaching, Nicolas Nguema appears more than ever as a key player in Gabon’s political system.
Nicholas Nguema, between politics and business
Well-known in the Gabonese landscape, Nicolas Nguema is one of the people who animate the political ecosystem of this West African country with less than three million inhabitants. Fervent advocate of democratic reforms and transparency in the country’s governance, this businessman and politician is the co-founder of the Party for Change (PLC), along with lawyer Anges Kevin Nzigou. During the reign of former President Ali Bongo, this party has, through its positions, ended up being a critical voice in advocating, loudly, for a profound transformation of the political landscape of his country, minated by clientelism and other concussions of all kinds. Alongside his political commitment, Nicolas Nguema is a true businessman. Legal agent in Gabon of the Santullo Sericom Group, an Italian company that has had disputes with the Gabonese state in the past, he played a key role. With this double cap of businessman and politician, Nicolas Nguema is sometimes adored, sometimes controversial.
A commitment marked by protest
Since the creation of the PLC (Party for Change), Nicolas Nguema has shown his line of conduct. Standing out from other members of the Gabonese opposition who do not hesitate to fall into the marigot of corruption, he has forged his identity, and especially the image of a man who does not compromise with the truth. Rare in a country plagued by corruption at the highest levels of government. Having been one of the active members of the collective “Call to Action”, which sought recognition of the power vacancy following President Ali Bongo’s health problems, Nicolas Nguema has made many enemies, even within his own political party. Note that this movement marked a turning point in the Gabonese opposition by highlighting the need for political alternation. Of course, this did not come without legal problems. Thus, in December 2020, he was arrested and placed in police custody by the General Directorate of Counter-Interference and Military Security (B2), in an alleged case related to the sale of a barge belonging to the Santullo Sericom Group. With the many supporters of the population and its supporters who denounced an arrest for political reasons. After several weeks of detention, he was released in March 2021 thanks to a decision by the Chamber of Indictment of the Court of Appeal of Libreville.
Brice Oligui Nguema, politics differently
Since the fall of Ali Bongo in August 2023 following a coup
, Nicolas Nguema and his party have adopted a new posture. Now the PLC is no longer hiding its support, openly shown, to General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, the man who leads the political transition after the coup. With the congress scheduled for February 22, 2025, the PLC should, it is hoped, formalize its positioning, which we know, goes in favor of the president of the transition, Brice Oligui Nguema. He was in France at the beginning of February to mobilize the diaspora, Nicolas Nguema says to anyone who wants to hear that General Oligui Nguema has made “concrete progress” in fifteen months of transition, particularly in terms of infrastructure and governance. But issues like education and health are areas where much remains to be done.
Break with the old regime
Despite his support for the leader of the transition, Nicolas Nguema remains very lucid. Indeed, it does not miss an opportunity to insist on the need for a total break with the Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), which has dominated the political scene for more than five decades. According to him, the current transition will only be successful if the former barons of the Bongo regime are definitively removed from the administration. “Of course, we blame the fact that there are still too many ‘PDGists’ within the administration, but this will inevitably stop very soon. Inevitably, the CEO must disappear from the political landscape in our country.” For the early presidential election of 12 April 2025, the position of DFC and its Co-Chairman is clear: it believes that Brice Oligui Nguema is best placed to lead this transition, provided he detaches himself completely from the CEO.
Nicolas Nguema, a political strategist?
The DFC has made a 180° turn by providing its unwavering support to the Gabonese transition. Political strategy? The political future of the DFC, which passed in a blink of an eye from a radical opposition party to a fervent supporter of the transition, marks an important development in Nicolas Nguema’s political career. Does he hope that this pragmatic position will allow him to play a key role in the recomposition of the Gabonese political landscape? Beyond all these questions, it is not easy to see the old party, the CEO and the weight of the former cadres of this party disappear so soon. Also, the upcoming presidential election will serve as a test to assess whether the transition will usher in a new era for Gabon. In any case, Nicolas Nguema, as an influential figure of the PLC, will have to make a choice: fly with his own wings or stay in the lap of transition. He has already declared himself a candidate for the next parliamentary elections for the renewal of the Gabonese Parliament.
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