EUROPE
FRANCE/ALGERIA – Macron in Algeria: between raï and gas
Macron had a great time in Algeria. In Oran, he discovered DJ Snake, Disco Maghreb and the famous Boualem, one of the promoters of raï singers. He flirted with the Algerian youth by making him the first actor in the new configuration of Algerian-French relations where memorials, culture, sport and cinema are privileged. That was for the com.
Serious matters have been discussed with the decision-makers, the real ones. Those who repressed hirak, who arrested more than 10,000 people, imprisoned more than 300 prisoners of conscience, criminalized any activity related to hirak or in opposition to the power and its policy. Moreover, on a question on the serious violations of human rights in Algeria, Macron dodged, stating that it is a problem of Algerian sovereignty and that he could not interfere and nevertheless that he trusted Tebboune. Indirectly, he was responding to associations that, on behalf of the diaspora, called him up with a petition. It is obvious that economic interests take precedence over human rights, which is in the nature of imperialisms that impose their power on the world.
Imperialist geopolitics
Macron spoke above all about gas, security in the Sahel and mutual appeasement in relations so necessary to the imperialist geopolitics of France. Although reducing the Algerian gas contribution to France to 9%, Macron knows that the war in Ukraine is a game changer and that Algeria is becoming a very coveted country for its gas and hydrocarbons in these times of crisis. Securing its back and putting Algeria back into an energy supply system that secures Europe is the target with the Algerian government. The issue of democracy will be discussed later. A “renewed partnership” is signed where, behind the elements of classical language, there is an increase in gas supplies for France in order to guarantee energy security for the winter in the face of the uncertainties of the war in Ukraine. There is no way for Macron to let Italy supplant France in this strategic trade.
It is obvious that France does not want to lose its geostrategic influence in the region. Aware that the old continent is losing power in the face of US imperialism, Chinese hegemonic tendencies and Russia’s imperialist awakening, Macron and his imperialist technocracy refocused on the old colonial empire by seeking effective interests and emergence of new elites, especially in youth. Islamism complicates things in the Sahel despite the French military interventionism whose failure is obvious. Macron’s meeting with the general decision-makers of the Algerian power is significant of his willingness to associate his last with a security management of the Sahel region to not only counter the Islamists and their supply of weapons, but above all to seek political solutions to stabilize the crisis in Mali and throughout the Sahel. Macron noted the usefulness of the agreements between Malians signed in Algiers following an Algerian reconciliation initiative and phagocytized by Islamist factions. France does not want to let go of the Sahel, a vast and strategic territory for the mineral wealth it contains, Areva knows something about it, which uses Niger’s uranium almost exclusively.
A give-and-take relationship
In this old colonial empire, Macron speaks of the future and thinks in generational terms, but French imperialist interests cannot be content with abstract imaginings. Total, Bouygues and Areva need concrete political geostrategy to amplify their surprofits in the African continent and in Algeria. Today, African despots seek to empower themselves and demand a share of the looting of mineral resources for them and their children. The liberal reforms of the IMF that market all their mineral and agricultural resources have impoverished their population at a level never seen before pushed to mass migration and at the same time enriched the African bourgeois political and social elites who aspire to control these resources for better “privatize”. Class relations come to the surface even more violently and this creates a political instability where putschist logic and social explosion combine.
Algeria does not escape this scenario despite the singularity of its history with France. Algerian generals, journalistic formula to designate in fact this militaro-bureaucratic bourgeoisie, embedded organically in the state apparatus and which exercises a monopoly of a rare violence on power, freedoms and economic and social life, participate in this France-Africa in their own way. It integrates the capitalist interests of France by offering high market shares to French companies, but demands a return both by the sufficiently identified forms of corruption and by an international legitimacy that it hopes to be strengthened by France because of the divorce of the Algerian power with its population. Tebboune seemed well satisfied with Macron’s satisfaction, whose elements of pro-Tebbun language did not seem devoid of ulterior motives.
Macron returns home with Tebboune’s assurance of a guaranteed supply for the winter (we are talking about a 50% increase). He secured the «interventionist» pledges of the Algerian power in the crisis of the Sahel and the tensions of France with Mali during his meeting with the Algerian generals (the opacity is total for the moment) and he hopes for a psychological breakthrough so indispensable to a «peaceful» relationship with Algeria. The memory section and a few more visas will suffice. Prisoners of conscience, Article 87bis, the continued trampling of freedoms, the planned extradition of undocumented persons to Algeria, etc., all this does not fall under the headings of Macron’s soft power. The generals could continue to repress and… enrich themselves under the umbrella of France.
Source : L’Anticapitaliste / Par Abder Raphi
For about fifteen years, social networks have conquered every corner of our lives, interfering as well in private conversations as in family, school or professional dynamics. What was once a communication tool has become a prism through which many teenagers—but also adults — perceive the world. Far from being mere platforms for exchange, these digital spaces influence tastes, shape opinions and model behaviours. 11-year-old children frantically scrolling videos on TikTok, while grandparents comment on political debates on Facebook. This massive penetration into all the strata of society raises new questions, particularly about the ability of the youngest to evolve without danger. Faced with this new reality, Emmanuel Macron is sounding the alarm.
President Emmanuel Macron was very clear on France 2, on June 10, 2025: he wants to ban social networks for young people under 15 years old. And if there is no quick agreement at the European level, France could decide to go it alone. For him, we must act quickly. In his eyes, these platforms—Instagram, X (formerly Twitter), TikTok — have become much more than simple communication tools: they act as amplifiers of violence, confusion, and psychological distress.
He believes that this early exposure, from the middle school age, shapes a generation facing a brutalization of exchanges and a form of permanent emotional instability. This observation, shared by a growing number of observers, fuels its desire to implement strict regulation at the European level. And if Brussels delays, Paris might well act alone.
This radical proposal highlights a growing generational divide. Today’s teenagers are, according to Macron, the first to have grown up in this digital universe saturated with images, viral content, and incessant notifications. A generation connected from the cradle, which has not known a world without smartphones or ubiquitous Wi-Fi. Where adults have seen social networks as progress, the younger ones experience them as a norm, even a social necessity.
However, this digital normality leads to deleterious effects. Online harassment, addiction, overexposure to violent or pornographic content, permanent quest for social validation… the risks are multiple and often invisible to the eyes of parents. The idea of a mandatory minimum age, already under debate in several countries, takes on a strong political dimension here. By setting this framework, the president hopes to stop a spiral that he considers uncontrollable.
For Emmanuel Macron, this initiative cannot remain isolated. He asks the European Union to reach an agreement and set clear rules together. The question is now asked: should social networks be treated as sensitive products, on a par with alcohol or cigarettes? France seems ready to take this step, even if it means shaking certain digital freedoms. The president mentions a delay of ‘a few months’ to reach an agreement with the European partners. Without a coordinated response, he claims that France will act alone.
This stance raises as much hope as controversy. How to enforce such a ban technically? What responsibility for the platforms? Will teenagers find ways to get around the measure? If the challenge is immense, the head of state seems determined to lay the foundations for a new digital contract between young citizens and their digital environment.
By setting the bar at 15 years old, Emmanuel Macron is not content with reacting to a trend. He proposes a break. In a society where digital technology continues to move forward without restraint, it wants to impose a threshold, a safeguard, a time of pause to reflect on what growing up in the connected world really involves.
Source: The new tribune
The deep sea, which covers 54% of the oceans, remains largely unknown: only 5% have been explored. Yet, since 2022, 33 states have called for a precautionary pause in the face of deep-sea mining projects. This position is based on alarming scientific studies: the abyss shelters a unique biodiversity, plays a key role in climate regulation and their destruction would have irreversible consequences.
Under international law (United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea), deep seabed resources are a heritage of mankind, managed by the International Seabed Authority (ISA). Any exploitation outside this framework would be illegal. However, the polymetallic nodules, coveted for their rare metals, take millions of years to form – their extraction would therefore be unsustainable.
Mining would generate plumes of toxic sediments, threatening abyssal wildlife and the food chain. Deep ecosystems, essential for carbon storage, could be sustainably altered. Yet, their genetic resources could revolutionize medicine, agri-food or the fight against global warming.
At the United Nations Ocean Conference (Nice, 9-13 June), the signatory States (Austria, Chile, Costa Rica, Denmark, Ecuador, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Honduras, Ireland, Latvia, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Palau, Panama, Peru[1], Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Vanuatu.) request:
Strict compliance with international law;
The acceleration of scientific research;
A cautionary pause on deep-sea mining.
[1] The Republic of Peru is not a party to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
Photo Credit: chasse-marée.com
On 9 June, the leaders of ten Mediterranean countries and the European Union met at the invitation of the French president for the summit “For a better connected Mediterranean”, on the sidelines of the UN Ocean Conference. The objective: to strengthen maritime, land and digital links between Europe, the Mediterranean and the Arabian-Persian Gulf, in response to the common challenges of the region.
The Mediterranean, which accounts for 25% of global maritime traffic, is seeing its states step up their ecological efforts. Since 1 May 2025, a SECA (low sulphur emissions) zone covers the entire Mediterranean, while ports such as Algeciras, Beirut and Marseille have committed to reducing their emissions through charging stations and alternative fuels. Croatia also announced a new green and automated terminal in Rijeka.
The European Commission recalled its financial commitment through the Global Gateway strategy, with 5.9 billion euros released for North Africa and the Middle East, capable of generating 27.2 billion in investments. The new Pact for the Mediterranean aims to consolidate economic and energy partnerships, particularly through the India-Middle East-Europe (IMEC) corridor, supported by France.
Energy projects are multiplying: Saudi Arabia, France, Italy and Greece are studying collaborations on green hydrogen, while Cyprus and Greece are advancing on interconnections such as the GREGY cable (Egypt-Greece). The TeraMED initiative could also accelerate renewable energies in North Africa.
On the digital side, the EU presented Medusa, an undersea optical fibre network linking the two Mediterranean shores, while the digital hub in Aqaba (Jordan) strengthens regional technological influence.
