POLITICS
SOUTH AFRICA – Adetunji Omotola, African thought leader is contesting for the post of chairman people’s démocratic party south africa chapter

African thought leader and media personality Adetunji Omotola is contesting for the position of Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party South Africa Chapter on November 13th, 2021. Adetunji is the Founder of 12 Disciples Leaders, African Wine Circle and Co-Founder of Afrospace Media and African Solutions Express. He is a former Secretary of PDP South Africa and a member of the Board of Trustees of the party. Adetunji’s political ideology is based on proactive development and leadership. The campaign slogan is transforming apathy to action. Adetunji plans to reduce the gap between those who are led and those who lead them. His focus areas for bringing about change are immigration, economy and integration. Adetunji believes his candidacy will energise Nigerians in South Africa as well as other Africans in diaspora to get involved in mobilising themselves as active citizens in the pursuit of good governance and a better democratic order.
The year was 1992 and Adetunji Omotola put himself forward as a candidate for the presidency of the Mass Communication Society at the University of Leicester during his Masters programme. He had always been fascinated by politics since his secondary school days at St. Finbarr’s College One of his favorite subjects was Government. He was a social-science/Arts student. To gain admission into University he wrote Literature, Government, English Language, Economics, Maths, Biology and Commerce.
At University of Maiduguri where Adetunji Omotola first studied Sociology and Anthropology, he took many courses in political science, psychology and philosophy. He had originally wanted to study to be a journalist but after two attempts he decided.
It was during his Masters programme at University of Leicester, his first ever engagement with foreign students from other parts of Africa namely from Uganda and Kenya. There were Ghanaians and Nigerians also but it was Europeans mostly Greeks who dominated. There were also a few British citizens including himself (dual national). Their full Masters Class complement could not have been more than thirty five and there were at least twenty Greek nationals. When it was time for the elections for President Adetunji Omotola rushed to nominate himself out of naivety. He was confident that I could lead the society but he did not read the room very well to realise that the Africans in his class were so few and that the caucasians may not want to be led by an African. He lost and a modest English lady won the elections aided by the large Greek contingent. This was the first election he participated in.
One year later in early 1994 on one bright Summer afternoon he walked into the Conservative Party offices on Walm Lane, Willesden, London. Out of sheer curiosity he made his entrance into the office which was less than twenty metres from the Willesden Lane London Underground Tube Station. Within minutes of my entrance into the office the gentleman had proposed to him that I should run as a candidate for the party in the upcoming local elections. He was very surprised and humbled by his request and decided to accept the same. They first put me on the list for Brondesbury Park which was rather a safe ward and later moved him to Brent which was a marginal ward. He lost the elections in any case because he had not campaigned nor even understood the task that was placed before me. He actually did not take it very seriously at the time but also learnt a vital lesson that elections are not a picnic and one must be in it to win it.

In the same year 1994 he began his three year Law programme at South Bank University, England. During his studies he dabbled in business between December 1995 and November 1996 with trips to Nigeria, Togo and Ghana during the same period with my business partner. After completing his degree in 1997 with a second class Lower division he continued to travel to Ghana on business from the UK until he secured a job as a Stockbroker on June 1st, 1998. As a Stockbroker he found it a little tough to gain clients due to my limited contacts at the time. I also had his late father who was a Professor of Law insisting that he should return to Nigeria to embark upon a two-year Law School programme. The Nigerian Law School is a one-year programme . It is a two year programme for Nigerians who study abroad in order to familiarize them with subjects such as the Nigerian Legal System, The Land Laws and Constitutional Law. He returned to Nigeria in February 1999 to commence the 2 year Law School programme which he completed and was called to the Nigerian Bar on 4th July, 2001. He was now a Solicitor and Advocate of the Supreme Court of Nigeria.
The same year he arrived at the Nigerian Law School in Bwari, Abuja is the same year that Nigeria returned to democratic rule after an uninterrupted period of sixteen years of military rule. In the ten years he had stayed in the United Kingdom from 1989 April to 1999 February Nigeria was under military rule.
Firmly back in Nigeria and given that the country was moving towards democracy he began to deepen my interest in the new democratic order that was ushered in. He attended the inauguration of President Obasanjo on May 29, 1999 under torrential rain. When my friends and he visited the Sheraton and the then NICO-NOGA Hilton hotel we gained a strong sense of the joy that many Nigerians felt about our new democratic order.
He joined Peoples Democratic Party South Africa after settling into the Nigerian Law School in 1999. His membership was secured through the assistance of then former Chairman of Bwari Local Government Isah Dara who became a very close ally and friend. He also sought to expand the membership of the peoples Democratic Party on the school premises with great success. As Foreign students our first year programme was a lot easier than the main Law School programme known as Bar Part Two. Most of the 3000-strong students were sceptical about being card-carrying members of a political party and so many did not even vote in the elections and they were still wondering if the new democratic order would be sustained.
By the time PDP held its convention in 2001was now getting more involved in the party’s affairs was also involved in the campaign of Mr. Audu Ogbeh who became party Chairman in 2001 the same year he moved to South Africa. By moving to South Africa it was clear to me that he would not have the same nexus to PDP as he once had and so my quest to run for office in 2003 was not to be and neither was my quest to run in 2007. In essence my stay in South Africa took me away from politics as he was now working in corporate South Africa. Between 2006 and 2009 he lost my father and moved to Ghana to begin a wine business . In 2009 he returned to South Africa.
It was in 2009 that Nigerian President Umaru Yar’ Adua was diagnosed with a terminal illness named acute pericarditis and was flown to Saudi Arabia for treatment. In 2010 on May 6 Vice-President Goodluck Jonathan was sworn-in as President upon the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua based on the doctrine of necessity as per the National Assembly. A few weeks before President Jonathan was sworn-in as Nigerian President he was elected as Secretary of PDP South Africa Chapter. He had sought the position of Secretary in order to make my skills and networks in South Africa and Nigeria available to my party. As Secretary of PDP South Africa he attended President Jonathan’s declaration for President in September 2010 in Abuja. He also attended the National Convention in 2011 which was won by President Jonathan. In 2011, he also supported a PDP candidate for House of Assembly in Lagos who gained 10,000 votes in the Ikeja Constituency. My time as Secretary though short was filled with a lot of activities in Laos, Abuja and South Africa. He resigned as Secretary after one year to fully focus on my media and wine career.
The kidnapping and capture of more than 276 Chibok girls on April 14, 2014 brought me into the limelight of South African media and once again he began to participate actively in politics. The political landscape in Nigeria changed due to the constant attacks by Boko Haram who were now taking territory after territory after territory. In South Africa the media were looking for a seasoned political commentator and it was he who gave deep insights in 2014 and 2015 which was the year of the general election. PDP lost the Presidential elections and the coalition of three political parties which metamorphosed into APC took power on May 29, 2015 when President Buhari was sworn-in.
In 2016, he sought to contest the exalted office of PDP South Africa Chairman however the post was zoned to the South South region. In 2016 he provided an initiative to host an event to honour Nigerian women in South Africa for the first time as a member of PDP. The event was held at a hotel in Sandton and the candidate for Ikeja in the 2011 elections attended the event by flying in from Nigeria and donated $200 to PDP South Africa In 2017 Adetunji was sworn in as a member of the Board of Trustees of the party.
Their party lost the Presidential elections in Nigeria in 2019. The party currently has 43 Senators, 160 members of the House of Representatives and 13 Governors.
Adetunji is keen to contest the PDP South Africa Chairmanship on Saturday, the13th of November, 2021.
CENTRAL AFRICA
GABON – Brice Oligui Nguema, acclaimed, launches the Fifth Republic

Just elected, Brice Oligui Nguema, former president of the transition, wants to engage the country in a profound institutional refoundation. After the creation of a new party, he intends to appoint vice-presidents and carry out electoral reforms.
A victory expected, a transition in motion
Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema came, largely, at the head of the presidential election of April 11, 2025. According to the results announced by the Minister of the Interior, Hermann Immongault, he was elected with 90% of the votes cast. This, it would seem, Soviet score is the measure of popularity gained since the coup d’état of August 30, 2023, by which the head of the Republican Guard had ended the reign of the Bongo family. After less than two years at the head of the Gabonese transition, Brice Oligui Nguema had promised a political break. With the removal of the Prime Minister, executive power is now centralized in the Presidency. He will not want to concentrate all these powers in his hands alone, so he plans to create vice-presidents.
Two Vice-Chairs
With the adoption of more than 1,000 normative texts in the first year, to give effect to the principles of the new Constitution. A reform presented by its supporters as a rationalisation of institutions, in a country where power was already, in fact, very concentrated. The two vice-presidents who will be appointed will soon have to be designated: one, protocol, will be the number two of the state; the other will be in charge of government action. The latter must have a high level of administrative expertise and must be a political force. The names of Joseph Owondault Berre and Raymond Ndong Sima circulate. But, nothing is certain.
A new calendar
The political battle does not end there. A new law on political parties, with stricter criteria and an electoral redistribution that will allow the organization of legislative and local elections from August 2025. Always in the perspective of the gathering. On the presidential majority side, the platform Rassemblement des Bâtisseurs (RdB) will turn into a political party. He intends to gather the President’s support without absorbing the many components of the platform (84 parties, 4,200 associations, 22,000 individual members). Its coordinator, Anges-Kevin Nzigou, presents it as a “political matrix” designed to structure a future majority. This initiative is causing a stir: Justine Lekogo, member of the platform, has publicly expressed her reservations, questioning the legitimacy of this transformation and the silence of the president on the subject.
A new Republic
If the refoundation dynamic seems to be on track, the institutional balance remains to be built. The concentration of power around the president, even validated by the ballot box and referendum, raises questions. The break with the old regime will be measured by actions: political openness, independence of counter-powers, electoral transparency. Brice Oligui Nguema now has free hands. It remains to be seen whether it will make Gabon a renewed democracy, or whether it will perpetuate, in some other form, the legacy of a centralized power.
IVORY COAST
CÔTE D’IVOIRE – Violence at the Abidjan Penitentiary (PPA): inmates unleashed

The rumour of a riot at the PPA, formerly Abidjan Detention and Correction House (MACA) was circulating in the city of Abidjan all day on 14 April 2025. A statement from the Directorate of the Prison Administration has just come out: there have been riots. Yes. Many people were injured. Also, many voices have been raised to alert on the fragile balance between prisoners’ rights and prison authority.
Yet another riot
The recent tensions at the Abidjan Prison Centre have caused many injuries. A few months ago, it was the prison of Bouaké, second city in the country, which was boiling. What began as vandalism quickly turned into a clear attempt to take control of the prison by inmates. This latest riot has revived a crucial debate: that of the authority of the state within the walls of Ivorian prisons.
A prompt official release
In an official statement dated 14 April 2025, the prison administration of the largest prison in Côte d’Ivoire confirmed that several facilities had been destroyed by detainees. Indeed, the latter oppose a new measure regulating the management of common spaces. This reform, implemented in the context of the fight against the introduction and circulation of drugs in prisons, aimed to restrict access to the central court, which has become a real crossroads for all kinds of drug trafficking. According to the press release, there are no deaths. In addition, 12 detainees have been injured. According to the same communiqué, order was restored thanks to the joint intervention of prison officers, the police and the gendarmerie.
Rise of gangs
But beyond the facts, this new episode of violence highlights a broader problem that the prison administration is struggling to manage. In February, similar riots broke out at the House of Detention and Correction in Bouaké. The fact that these riots are taking place in the country’s two major prisons highlights something very disturbing, namely the rise of insubordination in prison and the groups of men who, Alongside the guards, truly manage – or should we say – rule the country’s prisons. For some observers, this situation results from a growing imbalance between the rights granted to detainees and the means of control left to prison officers. “The freedoms granted, although essential in a state governed by the rule of law, end up conferring disproportionate power on prisoners who are sometimes organised and able to defy the prison authority itself,” said one prison worker.
Prison guard: a profession under pressure
The profession of prison officer, often invisible, appears today as one of the most exposed but also of the most ungrateful. Faced with increasingly numerous and difficult to supervise prison populations, these professionals are demanding more than press releases: they are asking for a real revaluation, as is happening in several sectors within the country’s administration. Among the options mentioned: a clear return of authority to prison staff, their systematic association with decisions impacting security, and better administrative and legal protection. Because today, many people say they are on their own.
A national implementation strategy
These incidents, repeatedly, reveal a fundamental problem: in order to deal with such riots in the future, a coherent, national prison strategy based on firmness, respect for the hierarchy and the restoration of legitimate authority is needed. It is not a question of denying the rights of detainees, but of reminding them that these rights must be exercised within the framework of a clear and respected republican order. Indeed, the prison cannot become a space of non-law. However, it must remain a place of justice, rehabilitation, but also authority.
CENTRAL AFRICA
GABON – Nicolas Nguema, an asset on the Gabonese political chessboard

Nicholas Nguema has slowly established himself as a great advocate of democratic reforms and transparency on the Gabonese political scene. He was very hard on the Bongo regime until its fall in 2023, he is also one of the major supporters of General Brice Oligui Nguema. However, this does not prevent him from calling for a definitive break with the former PDG regime. To what is this repositioning due? Pragmatic evolution or political ambition? With the 2025 presidential election approaching, Nicolas Nguema appears more than ever as a key player in Gabon’s political system.
Nicholas Nguema, between politics and business
Well-known in the Gabonese landscape, Nicolas Nguema is one of the people who animate the political ecosystem of this West African country with less than three million inhabitants. Fervent advocate of democratic reforms and transparency in the country’s governance, this businessman and politician is the co-founder of the Party for Change (PLC), along with lawyer Anges Kevin Nzigou. During the reign of former President Ali Bongo, this party has, through its positions, ended up being a critical voice in advocating, loudly, for a profound transformation of the political landscape of his country, minated by clientelism and other concussions of all kinds. Alongside his political commitment, Nicolas Nguema is a true businessman. Legal agent in Gabon of the Santullo Sericom Group, an Italian company that has had disputes with the Gabonese state in the past, he played a key role. With this double cap of businessman and politician, Nicolas Nguema is sometimes adored, sometimes controversial.
A commitment marked by protest
Since the creation of the PLC (Party for Change), Nicolas Nguema has shown his line of conduct. Standing out from other members of the Gabonese opposition who do not hesitate to fall into the marigot of corruption, he has forged his identity, and especially the image of a man who does not compromise with the truth. Rare in a country plagued by corruption at the highest levels of government. Having been one of the active members of the collective “Call to Action”, which sought recognition of the power vacancy following President Ali Bongo’s health problems, Nicolas Nguema has made many enemies, even within his own political party. Note that this movement marked a turning point in the Gabonese opposition by highlighting the need for political alternation. Of course, this did not come without legal problems. Thus, in December 2020, he was arrested and placed in police custody by the General Directorate of Counter-Interference and Military Security (B2), in an alleged case related to the sale of a barge belonging to the Santullo Sericom Group. With the many supporters of the population and its supporters who denounced an arrest for political reasons. After several weeks of detention, he was released in March 2021 thanks to a decision by the Chamber of Indictment of the Court of Appeal of Libreville.
Brice Oligui Nguema, politics differently
Since the fall of Ali Bongo in August 2023 following a coup
, Nicolas Nguema and his party have adopted a new posture. Now the PLC is no longer hiding its support, openly shown, to General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, the man who leads the political transition after the coup. With the congress scheduled for February 22, 2025, the PLC should, it is hoped, formalize its positioning, which we know, goes in favor of the president of the transition, Brice Oligui Nguema. He was in France at the beginning of February to mobilize the diaspora, Nicolas Nguema says to anyone who wants to hear that General Oligui Nguema has made “concrete progress” in fifteen months of transition, particularly in terms of infrastructure and governance. But issues like education and health are areas where much remains to be done.
Break with the old regime
Despite his support for the leader of the transition, Nicolas Nguema remains very lucid. Indeed, it does not miss an opportunity to insist on the need for a total break with the Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), which has dominated the political scene for more than five decades. According to him, the current transition will only be successful if the former barons of the Bongo regime are definitively removed from the administration. “Of course, we blame the fact that there are still too many ‘PDGists’ within the administration, but this will inevitably stop very soon. Inevitably, the CEO must disappear from the political landscape in our country.” For the early presidential election of 12 April 2025, the position of DFC and its Co-Chairman is clear: it believes that Brice Oligui Nguema is best placed to lead this transition, provided he detaches himself completely from the CEO.
Nicolas Nguema, a political strategist?
The DFC has made a 180° turn by providing its unwavering support to the Gabonese transition. Political strategy? The political future of the DFC, which passed in a blink of an eye from a radical opposition party to a fervent supporter of the transition, marks an important development in Nicolas Nguema’s political career. Does he hope that this pragmatic position will allow him to play a key role in the recomposition of the Gabonese political landscape? Beyond all these questions, it is not easy to see the old party, the CEO and the weight of the former cadres of this party disappear so soon. Also, the upcoming presidential election will serve as a test to assess whether the transition will usher in a new era for Gabon. In any case, Nicolas Nguema, as an influential figure of the PLC, will have to make a choice: fly with his own wings or stay in the lap of transition. He has already declared himself a candidate for the next parliamentary elections for the renewal of the Gabonese Parliament.
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