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CHAD – Habre victims demand reparations

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The victims of the former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré are still waiting to receive the compensation ordered by the justice, seven years after his historic conviction in Senegal in 2016, said Friday, May 26, 2023 seven Chadian and international organizations. A few days before this anniversary, two victims died again.

On 30 May 2016, Habré was sentenced to life imprisonment for crimes against humanity, war crimes and torture, including sexual violence and rape, by a Senegalese court supported by the African Union. Habré subsequently died in August 2021. Following a separate trial in Chad on 25 March 2015, a Criminal Court sentenced 20 operatives of the Habré regime for torture and murder. Both courts have ordered millions of dollars in compensation for victims. The African Union and the Government of Chad should respect their obligations to victims resulting from these court decisions, the organisations said.

“The victims of Habré are heroes who have fought tirelessly for 25 years to bring their dictator and his minions to justice, and have been awarded millions of dollars in compensation, but to date they have not received a single penny of these reparations.”, noted Jacqueline Moudeina, the victims’ main lawyer. Two of the most active victims have just died, and many are in very poor health and desperately need these repairs.”

On 15 May 2023, Ginette Ngarbaye, who was tortured and raped and gave birth in a secret prison in Habré, died of a long illness. She was secretary of the Association of Victims of Crimes and Repressions of the Hissène Habré regime (AVCRHH) and one of the key witnesses at Habré’s trial. The same day, Fatime Kagone Tchangdoum, whose husband had been murdered by Habré’s security forces in 1983 and who had become an AVCRHH activist, also died. According to the victims group, approximately 400 direct and indirect victims have died since the 2016 verdict.

The trial of Hissène Habré, the only court in the world to convict a former leader of another state for war crimes and crimes against humanity, has been viewed by many observers as “a turning point for justice in Africa.” The African Union welcomed this judgment “significant in that it reinforces the principle advocated by the African Union of finding African solutions to African problems.”

When an Appeals Chamber confirmed Habré’s conviction in April 2017, granting 82 billion CFA francs (about 130 million dollars) to 7,396 identified victims, it commissioned an African Union trust fund to raise money by searching for Habré’s assets and soliciting voluntary contributions. Although the African Union has allocated $5 million to the trust fund, it is still not operational.

In September 2021, following Habré’s death and renewed international interest in the fate of the victims, the African Union sent a delegation to Chad, where it took possession of a building intended for the Fund, which it described as “a turning point in the reparation process” for victims. An AU official said the AU commission was working “to operationalize the fund as soon as possible.” It will be almost a year before a second AU delegation arrives in August 2022 to “set up the provisional secretariat of the fund, […] establish a work plan and set out the modalities of the reparation process”. But she left Chad without having done so.

On 19 September 2022, the Chadian Presidency wrote to the Trust Fund to announce that the government had allocated 10 billion CFA francs (16.5 million dollars). However, according to the AU, this money was not received. On 2 May 2023, Chad’s transitional president, Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, told a delegation of the victims group that he had asked the Minister of Finance to make Chad’s contribution available to the victims.

In the Chadian trial of Habré’s henchmen, the Criminal Court of N’Djamena also granted 75 billion CFA francs (about 119 million dollars) in compensation to 7,000 victims, on the charge that the Chadian state would pay half and the other half. The court also ordered the government to erect a monument “within one year” in honour of those killed under the Habré regime, and to create a museum within the headquarters of the former political police (Directorate of Documentation and Security, DDS), where detainees were tortured. The government has not implemented any of these decisions to date.

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“The African Union and the Chadian government must work together and implement these court decisions so that victims can finally receive reparations for what we have suffered,” said Adoumbaye Dam Pierre. President of the Association of Victims of Crimes of the Hissène Habré Regime (AVCRHH), a prisoner under the Habré regime. “We have fought for decades for these judgments, and now we have to fight for them to finally be enforced.”

The one-party regime of Hissène Habré (1982-1990) was marked by massive and widespread atrocities, including targeted ethnic repression and sexual and gender-based violence.

The seven organizations calling on the African Union and the Government of Chad to grant reparations are: Amnesty International, the Association of Victims of Crimes of the Hissène Habré Regime (AVCRHH), the Chadian Association for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (ATPDH), Human Rights Watch, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), REDRESS and the Rose Lokissim Association.

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CENTRAL AFRICA

GABON – Brice Oligui Nguema, acclaimed, launches the Fifth Republic

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Brice Oligui Nguema


Just elected, Brice Oligui Nguema, former president of the transition, wants to engage the country in a profound institutional refoundation. After the creation of a new party, he intends to appoint vice-presidents and carry out electoral reforms.

A victory expected, a transition in motion
Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema came, largely, at the head of the presidential election of April 11, 2025. According to the results announced by the Minister of the Interior, Hermann Immongault, he was elected with 90% of the votes cast. This, it would seem, Soviet score is the measure of popularity gained since the coup d’état of August 30, 2023, by which the head of the Republican Guard had ended the reign of the Bongo family. After less than two years at the head of the Gabonese transition, Brice Oligui Nguema had promised a political break. With the removal of the Prime Minister, executive power is now centralized in the Presidency. He will not want to concentrate all these powers in his hands alone, so he plans to create vice-presidents.

Two Vice-Chairs
With the adoption of more than 1,000 normative texts in the first year, to give effect to the principles of the new Constitution. A reform presented by its supporters as a rationalisation of institutions, in a country where power was already, in fact, very concentrated. The two vice-presidents who will be appointed will soon have to be designated: one, protocol, will be the number two of the state; the other will be in charge of government action. The latter must have a high level of administrative expertise and must be a political force. The names of Joseph Owondault Berre and Raymond Ndong Sima circulate. But, nothing is certain.

A new calendar
The political battle does not end there. A new law on political parties, with stricter criteria and an electoral redistribution that will allow the organization of legislative and local elections from August 2025. Always in the perspective of the gathering. On the presidential majority side, the platform Rassemblement des Bâtisseurs (RdB) will turn into a political party. He intends to gather the President’s support without absorbing the many components of the platform (84 parties, 4,200 associations, 22,000 individual members). Its coordinator, Anges-Kevin Nzigou, presents it as a “political matrix” designed to structure a future majority. This initiative is causing a stir: Justine Lekogo, member of the platform, has publicly expressed her reservations, questioning the legitimacy of this transformation and the silence of the president on the subject.

A new Republic
If the refoundation dynamic seems to be on track, the institutional balance remains to be built. The concentration of power around the president, even validated by the ballot box and referendum, raises questions. The break with the old regime will be measured by actions: political openness, independence of counter-powers, electoral transparency. Brice Oligui Nguema now has free hands. It remains to be seen whether it will make Gabon a renewed democracy, or whether it will perpetuate, in some other form, the legacy of a centralized power.

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IVORY COAST

CÔTE D’IVOIRE – Violence at the Abidjan Penitentiary (PPA): inmates unleashed

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The rumour of a riot at the PPA, formerly Abidjan Detention and Correction House (MACA) was circulating in the city of Abidjan all day on 14 April 2025. A statement from the Directorate of the Prison Administration has just come out: there have been riots. Yes. Many people were injured. Also, many voices have been raised to alert on the fragile balance between prisoners’ rights and prison authority.

Yet another riot
The recent tensions at the Abidjan Prison Centre have caused many injuries. A few months ago, it was the prison of Bouaké, second city in the country, which was boiling. What began as vandalism quickly turned into a clear attempt to take control of the prison by inmates. This latest riot has revived a crucial debate: that of the authority of the state within the walls of Ivorian prisons.

A prompt official release
In an official statement dated 14 April 2025, the prison administration of the largest prison in Côte d’Ivoire confirmed that several facilities had been destroyed by detainees. Indeed, the latter oppose a new measure regulating the management of common spaces. This reform, implemented in the context of the fight against the introduction and circulation of drugs in prisons, aimed to restrict access to the central court, which has become a real crossroads for all kinds of drug trafficking. According to the press release, there are no deaths. In addition, 12 detainees have been injured. According to the same communiqué, order was restored thanks to the joint intervention of prison officers, the police and the gendarmerie.

Rise of gangs
But beyond the facts, this new episode of violence highlights a broader problem that the prison administration is struggling to manage. In February, similar riots broke out at the House of Detention and Correction in Bouaké. The fact that these riots are taking place in the country’s two major prisons highlights something very disturbing, namely the rise of insubordination in prison and the groups of men who, Alongside the guards, truly manage – or should we say – rule the country’s prisons. For some observers, this situation results from a growing imbalance between the rights granted to detainees and the means of control left to prison officers. “The freedoms granted, although essential in a state governed by the rule of law, end up conferring disproportionate power on prisoners who are sometimes organised and able to defy the prison authority itself,” said one prison worker.

Prison guard: a profession under pressure
The profession of prison officer, often invisible, appears today as one of the most exposed but also of the most ungrateful. Faced with increasingly numerous and difficult to supervise prison populations, these professionals are demanding more than press releases: they are asking for a real revaluation, as is happening in several sectors within the country’s administration. Among the options mentioned: a clear return of authority to prison staff, their systematic association with decisions impacting security, and better administrative and legal protection. Because today, many people say they are on their own.

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A national implementation strategy
These incidents, repeatedly, reveal a fundamental problem: in order to deal with such riots in the future, a coherent, national prison strategy based on firmness, respect for the hierarchy and the restoration of legitimate authority is needed. It is not a question of denying the rights of detainees, but of reminding them that these rights must be exercised within the framework of a clear and respected republican order. Indeed, the prison cannot become a space of non-law. However, it must remain a place of justice, rehabilitation, but also authority.

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CENTRAL AFRICA

GABON – Nicolas Nguema, an asset on the Gabonese political chessboard

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Nicholas Nguema has slowly established himself as a great advocate of democratic reforms and transparency on the Gabonese political scene. He was very hard on the Bongo regime until its fall in 2023, he is also one of the major supporters of General Brice Oligui Nguema. However, this does not prevent him from calling for a definitive break with the former PDG regime. To what is this repositioning due? Pragmatic evolution or political ambition? With the 2025 presidential election approaching, Nicolas Nguema appears more than ever as a key player in Gabon’s political system.
Nicholas Nguema, between politics and business
Well-known in the Gabonese landscape, Nicolas Nguema is one of the people who animate the political ecosystem of this West African country with less than three million inhabitants. Fervent advocate of democratic reforms and transparency in the country’s governance, this businessman and politician is the co-founder of the Party for Change (PLC), along with lawyer Anges Kevin Nzigou. During the reign of former President Ali Bongo, this party has, through its positions, ended up being a critical voice in advocating, loudly, for a profound transformation of the political landscape of his country, minated by clientelism and other concussions of all kinds. Alongside his political commitment, Nicolas Nguema is a true businessman. Legal agent in Gabon of the Santullo Sericom Group, an Italian company that has had disputes with the Gabonese state in the past, he played a key role. With this double cap of businessman and politician, Nicolas Nguema is sometimes adored, sometimes controversial.

A commitment marked by protest
Since the creation of the PLC (Party for Change), Nicolas Nguema has shown his line of conduct. Standing out from other members of the Gabonese opposition who do not hesitate to fall into the marigot of corruption, he has forged his identity, and especially the image of a man who does not compromise with the truth. Rare in a country plagued by corruption at the highest levels of government. Having been one of the active members of the collective “Call to Action”, which sought recognition of the power vacancy following President Ali Bongo’s health problems, Nicolas Nguema has made many enemies, even within his own political party. Note that this movement marked a turning point in the Gabonese opposition by highlighting the need for political alternation. Of course, this did not come without legal problems. Thus, in December 2020, he was arrested and placed in police custody by the General Directorate of Counter-Interference and Military Security (B2), in an alleged case related to the sale of a barge belonging to the Santullo Sericom Group. With the many supporters of the population and its supporters who denounced an arrest for political reasons. After several weeks of detention, he was released in March 2021 thanks to a decision by the Chamber of Indictment of the Court of Appeal of Libreville.

Brice Oligui Nguema, politics differently
Since the fall of Ali Bongo in August 2023 following a coup
, Nicolas Nguema and his party have adopted a new posture. Now the PLC is no longer hiding its support, openly shown, to General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, the man who leads the political transition after the coup. With the congress scheduled for February 22, 2025, the PLC should, it is hoped, formalize its positioning, which we know, goes in favor of the president of the transition, Brice Oligui Nguema. He was in France at the beginning of February to mobilize the diaspora, Nicolas Nguema says to anyone who wants to hear that General Oligui Nguema has made “concrete progress” in fifteen months of transition, particularly in terms of infrastructure and governance. But issues like education and health are areas where much remains to be done.

Nicolas Nguema, Politician, Gabon


Break with the old regime
Despite his support for the leader of the transition, Nicolas Nguema remains very lucid. Indeed, it does not miss an opportunity to insist on the need for a total break with the Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), which has dominated the political scene for more than five decades. According to him, the current transition will only be successful if the former barons of the Bongo regime are definitively removed from the administration. “Of course, we blame the fact that there are still too many ‘PDGists’ within the administration, but this will inevitably stop very soon. Inevitably, the CEO must disappear from the political landscape in our country.” For the early presidential election of 12 April 2025, the position of DFC and its Co-Chairman is clear: it believes that Brice Oligui Nguema is best placed to lead this transition, provided he detaches himself completely from the CEO.

Nicolas Nguema, a political strategist?
The DFC has made a 180° turn by providing its unwavering support to the Gabonese transition. Political strategy? The political future of the DFC, which passed in a blink of an eye from a radical opposition party to a fervent supporter of the transition, marks an important development in Nicolas Nguema’s political career. Does he hope that this pragmatic position will allow him to play a key role in the recomposition of the Gabonese political landscape? Beyond all these questions, it is not easy to see the old party, the CEO and the weight of the former cadres of this party disappear so soon. Also, the upcoming presidential election will serve as a test to assess whether the transition will usher in a new era for Gabon. In any case, Nicolas Nguema, as an influential figure of the PLC, will have to make a choice: fly with his own wings or stay in the lap of transition. He has already declared himself a candidate for the next parliamentary elections for the renewal of the Gabonese Parliament.

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