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POLITICS

SENEGAL-LEGISLATIVE: Cheikh Bamba Dièye, the providential man.

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Cheikh Bamba Dièye is a Senegalese politician, secretary-general of the FSD / BJ, a political party resolutely in the struggle for the development of Senegal and the preservation of its cardinal values. In the recent past, he has had the immense honor of serving the Government of Senegal as Minister of Communication and Digital Economy, but also the city of Saint Louis as Mayor. He also wrote a book in the form of testimony “Senegal, therapy for an injured country”. Ze-Africanews.com met him.

How did you get into politics?
Very naturally I want to say. I was educated by a man very passionate about public life. My father, as it is about him, believed a lot in man and in ability to change things with will and a sincere commitment. He experimented it at a local level, in Saint Louis, in this case with a local movement, and then at a national level with the party I lead today. It is to tell you that I grew up in that atmosphere and that I was at his side at every stage of this commitment as an activist. So, of course, I entered politics.

For the next parliamentary elections, you formed a coalition “MANKOO TAXAWU SENEGAAL”, together for a people’s assembly, how was this coalition born?
This coalition was born of a common desire to put an end to the abuses of the current regime and to offer our compatriots a credible alternative, notably to represent them in the national assembly. I am not going to dwell on the outcome of the outgoing legislature, whose plenipotentiaries themselves agree that it was not up to the task and why we fought so hard. Remember that this country almost collapsed because the national representation was under the orders of a man that the government had finished making “crazy”. Who could have imagined that five years later we would find ourselves making such an assessment of the assembly that had triumphed over this attempt at democratic regression? Not great world I think. But I would like to reassure the Senegalese and tell them that in the political arena there are people who are still standing up against the principles in the name of which the people had risen on 23 June. People who refuse the arbitrariness and political manipulation of the justice of our country. People who do not accept that the rules of the democratic game are bypassed by knowingly imprisoning a political opponent. These people thought it was good for Senegal to ignore the leadership quarrels and find themselves in the coalition Manko Taxawu Senegal.

“The Senegalese deserve a better representation than what we have witnessed for 5 years. Senegalese deserve representatives who take into account their daily concerns independently of the desideratas of the President of the Republic.”

And of whom is this coalition composed? And why a selection of tenors of the political ring?
In this coalition you have people whose political course speaks for itself. And contrary to what you say there has been no selection on the basis of leadership. Rather, there has been a convergence of views among different political leaders. First, the refusal of arbitrariness, as I said earlier. We all agreed that the arrest of Khalifa Sall was unacceptable and the symbol was strong enough to make him the head of the list. Then we all consider that the ideals of June 23 have been betrayed and we make it a point of honor to continue to represent them. Finally, we have a real convergence of views on the priorities of this country and it does not translate into figures or program lines but into attitudes of government. The sober and virtuous governance will not eternally remain an empty and hollow slogan. When you have a Khalifa Sall which everyone praises his work in Dakar; When you have a former prime minister of Idrissa Seck; When you have Malick Gackou, Serigne Mansour Sy Djamil, Moussa Tine, your servant and so on … you have no guarantee what will be the result of their actions but you are certain that they will fight until For the sake of the Senegalese people. And in the context in which we have evolved over the last few years, it has become a rare commodity a politician resolutely committed to the cause of the people.

Your coalition wants a change in the physiognomy of the National Assembly, why is change necessary?
As I told you earlier, the Senegalese deserve a better representation than what we have witnessed for 5 years. Senegalese deserve representatives who take into account their daily concerns independently of the desideratas of the President of the Republic. Our compatriots deserve a national assembly that has a high opinion of separation and balance of power. It has become more than a necessity. You know by nature that man, whoever he is, is tempted to abuse the powers he holds. This is the raison d’etre of the safeguards in our republic. We often hear power saying that if we had the majority, the country would be paralyzed. It is as if you were saying that when you put a policeman at a crossroads, you are paralyzing traffic. It is an aberration, unless the gendarme does his job badly or the motorists have no intent to respect the rules. I am afraid that we will not be in the latter case. Senegalese can be sure that if they send us to the national assembly, it will recover from its superb and play its full role.

“It is not up to the national assembly to define the policy of our country, but it can greatly contribute to improving it.”

What brings your coalition back into the Senegalese political landscape?
It is always difficult to claim the novelty because it is no guarantee of efficiency. Rather, we are demanding constancy in our positions. You will find in many other coalitions people who are making speeches that are at odds with their recent past. You will sometimes find alliances against-natures. You will also find coalitions that, although distinct, share a common history and beliefs. Difficult to explain behind that they defend only the interests of the populations. We are demanding a constancy in the positions defended for years in terms of good governance and exemplary politicians. We demand a coherence because we carried the fight of June 23 and chose to break with anyone who betrayed the ideals. And finally I want to say we also claim, from the personalities that make up our coalition, experience and expertise. Essential things to revolutionize our national assembly.

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Can you elaborate on your program?
What we want above all is to reorganize the national assembly so that it functions in a relevant way. It is not up to the national assembly to define the policy of our country, but it can greatly contribute to improving it. It must therefore play its part. For this purpose, we will pass an organic law that will allow the national assembly to be restructured so that members can have the means to effectively control the action of the government. We also want to facilitate the addition of amendments to the texts proposed by the government. Today things are such that members of Parliament have almost no say in the content of bills. We also want the rights of the opposition to be respected in the functioning of the National Assembly. The president of the republic had included in his constitutional reform a status of leader of the opposition. We prefer this formula, which consists in giving the opposition the means to exist within the Chamber. Then, of course, we will establish a parliamentary commission of inquiry to inform our fellow citizens about the gas and oil contracts signed by the government. The least that can be said and that there has been a lot of controversy on these subjects. It is important that the people can be told what it really is. In general, we want to systematize the creation of commissions of inquiry on the subjects of national stakes or on polemics that worry our compatriots. We also want to give more power to the bodies of control, including direct referral of justice, in order to prevent the executive from politicizing certain judicial files. Finally, we want to reform certain institutions such as CNRA in order to give it the means to be the guarantor of political audiovisual equity because it is a democratic issue. These are the main thrusts of our program orientations. All this also takes into account the fact that in 2019 we have a presidential election and that its result could lead to a new change of majority.

You are fighting for the development of the country, how do you proceed in a country where poverty is screaming?
We proceed with the means of the board and trying to keep a little decency. It is true that some polemic politicians seem so ridiculous compared to the fate of some of our compatriots whose immediate priority is related to the next meal, access to water or sanitation. But what we must not lose sight of is that in our young democracy politics is still capable of changing the lives of people. It is through political will to improve people’s lives. It is with this conviction that we are fighting. But it is clear that we need the people on our side. Although this is difficult because of the context of poverty, we have no choice but to fight.

Does the appearance and exploitation of oil in the country worry you or reassures you?
A bit of both. It reassures me because it leaves a glimmer of hope for future generations. Basically this is the meaning of our struggle: to make sure our children live better than we have lived. The emergence of these resources allows us to hope for a better future. On the other hand, we have concerns about how the exploitation of these resources will be managed. We are not reassured by the nebula surrounding contracts signed. We are not reassured by the way the government looks when it comes to these issues. I am surprised that on such a decisive subject for the future of this country, which transcends political rivalry, that the government is not trying to build a national consensus in order to preserve our country from the turpitude that other countries have given us see. What may be reassuring is that it is not too late. I therefore call on the President of the Republic to put his pride aside and organize the consensus that is in the name of the higher interests of the nation.

The legislative elections will take place in less than two weeks, how is your campaign going?
Our campaign is going rather, but the campaign as a whole is rather mediocre. The plethoric political offer is undoubtedly for many. We can not be criticized for not doing anything to avoid it, given the political leaders who make up our coalition. Then we witnessed deplorable and unworthy acts of violence. Here too, everyone takes responsibility. Internal security is the responsibility of the Minister of the Interior, but he seems to be busy campaigning. And finally there is the organization of the ballot in itself which does not allow to beat campaign serenely. We are one week away from the poll and many of our compatriots have not yet received their voter’s card. We learned a few days ago that the number of polling stations will increase. Let us say that there were more peaceful and better organized elections. And to hide nothing from you I am not very reassured by the current climate.

What member will you be when you are elected?
There are not many types of MPs. We are MPs or not. And still deputy of the people. I will be the deputy that the Senegalese have known in the past. Capable in a minority position to find voices and tricks to defend the interests of the people and alert if necessary. Equally able in a majority group to draw all the necessary expertise to ensure that the government makes the right decisions.

Tell us about your book “Senegal, therapy for an injured country”?

It is a book of testimony. Each generation has its responsibility. Mine had to testify in order to put our society in front of its defects. I have too often seen our compatriots shirk and reject responsibility for what we live on groups of individuals by excluding themselves. Sometimes it’s the politicians. Sometimes the marabouts. Sometimes my administration. What I wanted to write is that it is all this at the same time and that no one can get rid of it. It is a cry of the heart and a call to revolt, first individual, then collective.

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MALI

MALI – The Malian transitional government dissolves all political parties

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Assimi Goïta Président intérim

Mali is turning a decisive page in its political life. By a presidential decree, adopted by the extraordinary Council of Ministers on 13 May 2025, the authorities of the military transition have officially dissolved all political parties and organizations of a political nature in the country. This is unprecedented in the country. In addition to generating a wave of national and international outrage, this decree marks the end of multi-party democracy.
A dissolution with the taste of “reform”
The announcement was made on the ORTM channel by Mamani Nassiré, Minister delegate to the Prime Minister responsible for political reforms. According to him, this decision is part of a broad process of “re-founding” political life. The government says it wants to “clean up” the partisan landscape by reducing the number of political parties now estimated at nearly 300. The government wants to set up and review their funding, which amounts to 0.25% of annual tax revenues. No political party can now organize meetings or carry out activities, under penalty of sanctions. On the other hand, elected representatives and officials belonging to political parties can continue their missions, on the sole condition that they no longer claim to be members of their party.

A repressed measure
For several weeks, many political parties, including the “Yelema” party, had denounced this project. Its president, Youssouf Diawara, said: “Political parties are not the problem in Mali. The emergency is insecurity, high cost of living, health and education”. Indeed, the political parties that oppose this decree see it as a violation of the Constitution and a setback for democracy. A citizen protest movement had emerged in early May. A demonstration, which gathered several hundred people on May 3, 2025 in Bamako, was quickly dispersed by the security forces. During this demonstration, several opposition and civil society figures were arrested and some people are reported missing.

Sanctioned media
In the past four years, Mali has seen two military coups. On 18 August 2020, President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta and his Prime Minister Boubou Cissé were removed from power before being arrested. Nine months later, the transitional president Bah N’Daw and his prime minister Moctar Ouane are deposed on May 24, 2021. In ten years, Mali has experienced three coups with the military takeover in 2012, and the fifth in the history of Mali after the coups d’état of 1991 and 1968. The Malian authorities have increased restrictions on both foreign and domestic media. They accuse them of partiality in the treatment of information concerning the situation of the country and disinformation. At the national level, in December 2024, the Djoliba TV News report was withdrawn. The High Authority for Communication (HAC) of Mali. The channel TV5 Monde has been suspended again “until further notice” on 13 May 2025. She is accused of “lack of impartiality” in her coverage of opposition protest movements on May 3, 2025 in her report for the 20:30 newspaper. It had already been suspended for three months in 2024.

Suspension of political parties: After Burkina Faso and Niger, it is the turn of Mali
The repeal of the charter of political parties that set their legal and financial frameworks, leaves an institutional vacuum according to its refractory. Political parties no longer exist legally. Only civil society still exists. But it remains closely monitored by the state. With this new decision taken by the transitional government, Mali joins its ESA neighbours. Before him, Burkina Faso suspended political party activities since September 2022. In Niger, General Abdourahamane Tiani ordered the dissolution of parties on 26 March 2025 following controversial national assizes.

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CENTRAL AFRICA

GABON – Brice Oligui Nguema, acclaimed, launches the Fifth Republic

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Brice Oligui Nguema


Just elected, Brice Oligui Nguema, former president of the transition, wants to engage the country in a profound institutional refoundation. After the creation of a new party, he intends to appoint vice-presidents and carry out electoral reforms.

A victory expected, a transition in motion
Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema came, largely, at the head of the presidential election of April 11, 2025. According to the results announced by the Minister of the Interior, Hermann Immongault, he was elected with 90% of the votes cast. This, it would seem, Soviet score is the measure of popularity gained since the coup d’état of August 30, 2023, by which the head of the Republican Guard had ended the reign of the Bongo family. After less than two years at the head of the Gabonese transition, Brice Oligui Nguema had promised a political break. With the removal of the Prime Minister, executive power is now centralized in the Presidency. He will not want to concentrate all these powers in his hands alone, so he plans to create vice-presidents.

Two Vice-Chairs
With the adoption of more than 1,000 normative texts in the first year, to give effect to the principles of the new Constitution. A reform presented by its supporters as a rationalisation of institutions, in a country where power was already, in fact, very concentrated. The two vice-presidents who will be appointed will soon have to be designated: one, protocol, will be the number two of the state; the other will be in charge of government action. The latter must have a high level of administrative expertise and must be a political force. The names of Joseph Owondault Berre and Raymond Ndong Sima circulate. But, nothing is certain.

A new calendar
The political battle does not end there. A new law on political parties, with stricter criteria and an electoral redistribution that will allow the organization of legislative and local elections from August 2025. Always in the perspective of the gathering. On the presidential majority side, the platform Rassemblement des Bâtisseurs (RdB) will turn into a political party. He intends to gather the President’s support without absorbing the many components of the platform (84 parties, 4,200 associations, 22,000 individual members). Its coordinator, Anges-Kevin Nzigou, presents it as a “political matrix” designed to structure a future majority. This initiative is causing a stir: Justine Lekogo, member of the platform, has publicly expressed her reservations, questioning the legitimacy of this transformation and the silence of the president on the subject.

A new Republic
If the refoundation dynamic seems to be on track, the institutional balance remains to be built. The concentration of power around the president, even validated by the ballot box and referendum, raises questions. The break with the old regime will be measured by actions: political openness, independence of counter-powers, electoral transparency. Brice Oligui Nguema now has free hands. It remains to be seen whether it will make Gabon a renewed democracy, or whether it will perpetuate, in some other form, the legacy of a centralized power.

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IVORY COAST

CÔTE D’IVOIRE – Violence at the Abidjan Penitentiary (PPA): inmates unleashed

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The rumour of a riot at the PPA, formerly Abidjan Detention and Correction House (MACA) was circulating in the city of Abidjan all day on 14 April 2025. A statement from the Directorate of the Prison Administration has just come out: there have been riots. Yes. Many people were injured. Also, many voices have been raised to alert on the fragile balance between prisoners’ rights and prison authority.

Yet another riot
The recent tensions at the Abidjan Prison Centre have caused many injuries. A few months ago, it was the prison of Bouaké, second city in the country, which was boiling. What began as vandalism quickly turned into a clear attempt to take control of the prison by inmates. This latest riot has revived a crucial debate: that of the authority of the state within the walls of Ivorian prisons.

A prompt official release
In an official statement dated 14 April 2025, the prison administration of the largest prison in Côte d’Ivoire confirmed that several facilities had been destroyed by detainees. Indeed, the latter oppose a new measure regulating the management of common spaces. This reform, implemented in the context of the fight against the introduction and circulation of drugs in prisons, aimed to restrict access to the central court, which has become a real crossroads for all kinds of drug trafficking. According to the press release, there are no deaths. In addition, 12 detainees have been injured. According to the same communiqué, order was restored thanks to the joint intervention of prison officers, the police and the gendarmerie.

Rise of gangs
But beyond the facts, this new episode of violence highlights a broader problem that the prison administration is struggling to manage. In February, similar riots broke out at the House of Detention and Correction in Bouaké. The fact that these riots are taking place in the country’s two major prisons highlights something very disturbing, namely the rise of insubordination in prison and the groups of men who, Alongside the guards, truly manage – or should we say – rule the country’s prisons. For some observers, this situation results from a growing imbalance between the rights granted to detainees and the means of control left to prison officers. “The freedoms granted, although essential in a state governed by the rule of law, end up conferring disproportionate power on prisoners who are sometimes organised and able to defy the prison authority itself,” said one prison worker.

Prison guard: a profession under pressure
The profession of prison officer, often invisible, appears today as one of the most exposed but also of the most ungrateful. Faced with increasingly numerous and difficult to supervise prison populations, these professionals are demanding more than press releases: they are asking for a real revaluation, as is happening in several sectors within the country’s administration. Among the options mentioned: a clear return of authority to prison staff, their systematic association with decisions impacting security, and better administrative and legal protection. Because today, many people say they are on their own.

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A national implementation strategy
These incidents, repeatedly, reveal a fundamental problem: in order to deal with such riots in the future, a coherent, national prison strategy based on firmness, respect for the hierarchy and the restoration of legitimate authority is needed. It is not a question of denying the rights of detainees, but of reminding them that these rights must be exercised within the framework of a clear and respected republican order. Indeed, the prison cannot become a space of non-law. However, it must remain a place of justice, rehabilitation, but also authority.

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